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View my complete profile. Tuesday, September 11, Acholi Wee Acholi tum ku! Dismantle the Concentration Camps in Acholiland. Acholi Association Seminar, 25 March 2. Acholi Conference in London, April 3. J C Amone, who thanked and briefed members in attendance, on the resolve by Acholi Association, to forge unity amongst Acholi people and work together especially with other Acholi-run charitable organisations in the UK, for the purpose to support by relieving the suffering Acholi people, particularly those in Uganda.

He noted that most of the Acholi-run charitable organisations bear similar aims and objectives. He reiterated the need therefore, for them to kick-start building closer working relations, by jointly organising the forthcoming AA Seminar on 25 March , to address the problems of Acholiland being grabbed and Genocide being committed on Acholi people, principally by the state.

The Chairman stated further, that the Seminar this March will be followed immediately, by Acholi Conference in London in April, which Acholi Association has been asked to co-ordinate, by our people including those currently living in Sweden and Uganda.

Amone said at this point in time he wishes there should be nothing more important to any Acholiboy or Acholigirl, than turning up and participating jointly with others, in discussing urgent and sensitive issues of the resettlement of our beleaguered people.

To that effect, he stated that Acholi Association has since April when the new Executive was elected, held two Seminars, one Conference and two Fundraising events. It is that charity constitutional rights and mandatory obligations, which are very difficult for anybody to challenge.

After thoughtful and exhaustive, contributive deliberations by all members in attendance, the meeting fruitfully resolved the following: Agenda 1. Availability of documents if possible; e. Aswa Ranch, reportedly leased to the Libyans! The speakers should inform what actions and effects have been realized so far, on the issue of Genocide. Proposals for the presenter of the paper should be followed up.

Acholi people should be released free and allowed to decide their own safety, by themselves. AOB There being no other business to discuss, the meeting ended at 4. What information and alternatives do we have?

Acholi Language being at the core of it. Careful assessment of what to do with those who have continued to persecute us is therefore very important. This painful DVD to watch will provide you with the gravity and severe extent of the suffering of Acholi children and may set a fundamental viewpoint for the discussions to follow. It is therefore very important for you all to arrive on time and take-up your individual seat. At this juncture, may I continue to invite all other Acholi charitable organisations in the UK to contact and join us in working together to address our own problems in time, as no one will do it for us?

Also, please allow me this opportunity to appreciate once again, efforts and all forms of contribution made by each one of you who attended one or both of the recent AA Fundraising function, to make this forthcoming Seminar a success. Those of you who could not make it for one reason or the other, but would like to send in your donations to Acholi Association, please feel free to do so by either contacting AA Treasurer, Mr. I hope to meet with you all there.

Uganda Unstarred Question debated in House of Lords. You may access the whole debate via this link. Each Back-Bench Member has three minutes. That is an incredibly short time but I should be enormously grateful if noble Lords would stick to their three minutes—that is, if they would finish before the Clock shows four minutes—so that the Minister has adequate time in which to reply.

Baroness Northover rose to ask Her Majesty's Government what co-ordination there is through the international community to resolve the conflict in northern Uganda. I am especially grateful to all noble Lords who will be speaking tonight.

As we have just heard, each of them will have a very short time; nevertheless, it shows a real commitment that so many wish to take part. The number of speakers reflects the huge expertise in this House on this part of Africa and the concern that people feel about the conflict in the region.

I thank all noble Lords. It is now 20 years since conflict began in northern Uganda, yet so little international attention seems to be directed to this problem. That is surprising for a number of reasons. The conflict threatens to destabilise countries around, such as the DRC and Sudan, as well as Uganda itself.

But above all, this is a conflict that has taken a terrible toll on children. War can exact a terrible price from women and children. But what has happened in northern Uganda is quite simply on a different level. The deliberate targeting of children is utterly appalling. Whatever the roots of this conflict, there can be no justification whatsoever for the Lord's Resistance Army targeting children as it has done.

I welcome the fact that the International Criminal Court has issued arrest warrants for the five leaders of the LRA—even if it has made negotiation with the LRA more difficult. We know about the abduction of children and the way that children flee to towns at night in the hope of finding shelter, so that they are not stolen in the night.

How can it be that we are paying so little attention? As Amnesty says: "Children are bearing the brunt of the ongoing violence in northern Uganda". Children's rights are violated daily. The LRA also targets killings, abductions and rape at the wider civilian population. We know that girls are stolen for prostitution. And yet the world has turned a blind eye. That simply cannot continue. This surely must be the first proper test of what the countries agreed at the UN last September, when they said: ""We believe that today, more than ever before, we live in a global and interdependent world".

They agreed that collectively the UN had the responsibility to protect populations from crimes against humanity. That surely applies here. In 20 years the Ugandan Government have failed, for whatever reasons, to bring peace to the north of its country.

The result is that crimes against humanity are committed there daily. Will the Minister say what role the new UN peace-building commission might play here? Many NGOs felt that when the UK chaired the UN Security Council at the end of last year—maybe it was chairing too many things at the time—the opportunity should have been taken to pass a resolution specifically on northern Uganda.

Will the Minister tell us why that did not happen, and what might have been the reaction of China and Russia to any such proposals? Nevertheless, we have UN Resolution , passed in January this year on the Great Lakes region, which includes reference to northern Uganda.

How will that now be taken forward? There is the proposal from Jan Egeland, the Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, that a panel of experts should be convened on northern Uganda. There is also the proposal that there should be a UN special envoy to look at the problem. The international crisis group recently gave strong endorsement to both proposals, stating that, "the UN Security Council should recognise the LRA poses a threat to international peace and security", and must implement both these proposals.

What action are the Government taking to ensure that that is done? Will the Minister tell us when he thinks the Secretary-General will report on these matters to the Security Council? Save the Children and Oxfam, among others, told me that this would happen in 12 days—on 27 March—so this debate was timely, but I hear from the FCO that this may not be the case.

I spoke to someone earlier, as the noble Lord will be aware. I should like his comments on that. That report needs to be made; and it needs to be strong and effective. It must not be delayed. Actions need to follow from it. Clearly there needs to be a comprehensive strategy to end the war. Those who have been indicted by the ICC must be apprehended. The Ugandan military and other forces must do more to protect civilians.

There needs to be dialogue with other members of the LRA. The Ugandan Government must be clearer that they support effective amnesties for those wishing to leave the LRA. Support has to be given to those who leave to prepare them so that they can best re-enter civilian life. I look forward to hearing the Minister's comment on all these proposals.

They must not be marginalised if a lasting solution is to be found. I note that President Museveni stated last Tuesday that he is preparing to resettle displaced people from their camps, stating that the region is now peaceful.

That seemed a little surprising. Do the Government have reason to believe that the security situation in northern Uganda has improved enough for people to be moved out of camps? If so, maybe we can all go home. This is an extremely complicated situation. The LRA has committed the most appalling atrocities. But this is a conflict which military action alone is never likely to solve. Not only do we need to see all parties seriously seeking a solution, we must make sure that the international community does not lose sight of this conflict.

It is by spotlighting the plight of those in northern Uganda that we will surely encourage the action that the international community must now take. In those actions, I trust that the UK Government will take a leading role.

Real appreciation and thanks are due to the noble Baroness, Lady Northover, for giving the House the opportunity to discuss this disturbing issue tonight. It is a highly complex issue. Since President Museveni came to power there have been many rebellions in Uganda. Most have been resolved, but tragically that in the north persists. Brutality and cruelty are grim realities. Ruthless people in the Lord's Resistance Army viciously exploit and manipulate the situation.

But we must not allow ourselves to be so mesmerised by the horror that we fail to recognise the complexity and weaken our resolve to work for the lasting peace for which those who suffer in Uganda so desperately yearn. Rehabilitation and counselling for those—especially the young who leave the ranks of the LRA—are priorities that we should support. Reconciliation as pursued by local leaders and the former Minister for the north, Betty Begombe, is a muscular and courageous cause that demands our imaginative and practical co-operation.

It is disappointing that President Museveni is apparently so ambivalent on such imperatives himself. They are essential to peacemaking, which is indispensable if stability is to be achieved. In the couple of minutes available, I want to put several specific questions to my noble friend.

In DfID made a firm commitment to use conflict assessments in formulating all its country assistance plans. Are such assessments central to decisions about our programme in Uganda? What is DfID doing to ensure that human security considerations are prioritised in decision-making in Uganda? How is that reflected in DfID's policy towards budget and sector support? How is DfID endeavouring to ensure that the implementation by the government of Uganda of 15 Mar : Column Uganda's poverty eradication plan—especially the security and conflict provisions contained in Pillar 3 becomes a reality?

Are infrastructural and economic development programmes in the North as effectively targeted on the needs of local people as they should be? The availability of small arms fuels the conflict in the north.

Are we therefore doing all that we should to encourage the government of Uganda to make small arms control a key part of their efforts to enhance development and human security? Are we, for example, urging the Ugandan Government to implement the country's national action plan on arms management and disarmament which is an urgent priority?

How are we supporting the implementation of that action plan? If development assistance to Uganda is to succeed, is it not essential to base it on a comprehensive assessment of the peace and conflict dynamics of the country? Together with that, is it not essential to address the failure of successive Ugandan governments to establish appropriate government institutions and arrangements that are sufficiently responsive, inclusive and accountable to the majority of Ugandans?

Is it not the absence of those that has resulted in the underdevelopment of the north and which has exacerbated the disastrous conflict? I find myself in complete agreement with her and I shall not repeat her arguments in any way.

Instead I want to make a practical suggestion to help the hard-pressed communities in the north of Uganda that are caught up in the conflict zone. I would be grateful if the Minister would simply draw my remarks to the attention of the Secretary of State for International Development. I do not expect a response tonight.

About half a dozen international non-governmental organisations provide water sources in rural Uganda. I declare an interest as chairman of one of them, the Busoga Trust, which has been active for 25 years and has built well over 1, water sources. I shall speak briefly on behalf of all the NGOs involved in this important activity. That is simply because in the past it has been unsafe, although work is continuing in the north-east of Uganda on the Kenyan and Sudanese borders, but not in the conflict zone itself.

If those organisations were able, with the help of the security forces, to move north, they could rapidly supply clean water to the villages. I appreciate that bore holes already exist in the campsites where the women, children and the population in general spend the evenings for security reasons. However, I believe work needs to be done in the villages.

Clean water transforms village life. It provides health, vitality, and self-confidence. The noble Baroness referred in particular to the plight of the children. The lives of many children are cut short through disease, from drinking foul water.

Her Majesty's Government have diverted some aid directly from the Ugandan central government to help orphans in the north of Uganda. I suggest that Her Majesty's Government should consider diverting or using some of that money devoted to northern Uganda to engage the NGOs which, I believe, could build well over water sources over the next six months. That may seem a modest programme, but although it may not solve the conflict, it will encourage the population to resettle in the rural villages and, I hope, help to bring peace and tranquility to a troubled region.

I too endorse what she has said, perhaps with one exception. From answers given by the Minister in previous debates and to Questions, I would like to acknowledge that the UK is clearly to the fore in negotiating UN Resolution and in providing support to the NGOs in the area, among other actions. I want to say a little about the important development which is the International Criminal Court mission to investigate the current conflict and to make arrests.

I am indebted to Lorna McGregor who initiated a two-day workshop for the International Bar Association with members of civil society organisations, the legal community from the north and from Kampala to discuss the work of the ICC within the national justice system. The preliminary conclusions from the workshop are quite interesting, certainly for conflict resolution work in the north of Uganda.

There is a feeling that the ICC intervention from the outside may mask the lack of political will on the part of the Government to take decisive action to stop the war. Having failed in this mission, the decision to allow in the ICC was clearly politically motivated. That reflects a wider perception—widespread in Africa—that while the international community is desperately needed, the solutions must heed sovereignty and must come from within.

The workshop also highlighted the failure of the ICC to make equal comment about the abuses, of which there are many, by the armed forces. The displaced peoples' camps are a terrifying experience, especially for women. I am currently taken up with concerns about a young university student, who was rescued from the LRA by army troops only to be raped and abused by government troops during three months in the camp prior to her escape.

She is now in the UK with a baby daughter, not knowing whether the baby was fathered by the LRA or the army and is facing possible deportation. As ever, the resolutions, the statements, the promises and the human rights reports are all necessary. What is even more vital is that the recommendations be implemented. For example, it is crucial that pressure is maintained within and outwith Uganda if the UN resolution is to have an impact on the ground.

The UN Secretary-General's report must be submitted and discussed before the Chinese assume 15 Mar : Column the presidency at the end of this month, so that the Security Council is in no doubt what its action should be. As has already been suggested and pointed out by the noble Baroness, it is strongly suggested that there be a special high-level envoy appointed. That could happen immediately without any further resolution.

It is a matter of a decision being taken and implemented. There should also be an investigation into LRA actions, which might be helpful in clarifying how to reduce the violence and there should be widespread understanding by the international community that military action has not yet proved to be the answer, and, therefore, there has to be explicit ongoing support for political mediation and peace-building initiatives.

I shall make two points. First, with the current focus on the flawed election in Uganda as a whole, we should put that in the context of a president who, overall, has done fairly well. In the mids, I spoke for the opposition on Africa, when President Museveni came to power. Who can forget the atrocities, the insecurity, particularly in the Luwero triangle, the fact that since there has been successful economic developments, and one of the more enlightened policies on AIDS in Africa as a whole with modernisation and stability?

Of course, the president has never won over the north, which, in any event, is Obote territory. The electoral geography of the last presidential election showed that the north central area and the north-west were heavily against the president, but he won in the north-east. At the time of the election, he said that the war was largely over.

Therefore, it is perhaps right to consider not just the Acholi territory in the north-west, but also other areas such as the west Nile and Karamoja in the north-east. The work is concentrated, therefore, on the border area between the tribes, where there was a massacre during the drought period of The charity works in agriculture, community and water development and veterinary services with para-vets moving with the cattle—a team composed wholly of Ugandans. CHIPS has identified a number of problems.

One is the problem of the definition of internally displaced persons. No one is quite sure how many camps there are. There was a particular criticism of the quality of food provided by the World Food Programme, which is often said to be "bitter". There were allegations of delays and corruption. Finally, it is clearly highly administratively convenient for the Government to use the WFP, which reduces costs, but there is a strong body of local opinion that the WFP and, indeed, the national Government, should in part be bypassed because of corruption, and that aid should increasingly be directed to small and highly motivated non-governmental organisations.

We witnessed conditions showing why 1, people die every week in those camps. We also met some of the tens of thousands of children who had been abducted by the LRA but who had escaped. Their stories have a chilling consistency, and their voices need to be heard tonight. I give just four examples. Florence, 15, was abducted in and taken to Sudan, given to an LRA commander as his "wife", and trained to become a soldier.

She had to fight and take other children into captivity, treating them as she had been treated. Notify me of follow-up comments by email. Notify me of new posts by email. The Independent. Leave a Reply Cancel reply Your email address will not be published. Human rights. Kitgum, Uganda.

Rwot Acana traveled to London in March for personal business but was caught up after the United Kingdom announced a lockdown and grounded all flights in and outside the country as a measure to contain the spread of the COVID pandemic. Julius Ocungi Politics Human rights Northern. Audio 2 Your browser does not support the audio element. Your browser does not support the audio element.